Highlights:
[For Further Info Re: Dr. Al-Abbadi’s Case, Please Click on the Link: Dr. Al-Abbadi’s Case, Main Menu of this Site. Also, the Jordan National Movement (JNM) has designed this special website to support the release of Dr. Ahmed Oweidi Al-Abbadi: http://freeoweidi.com. Please visit and share this new site with friends and supporters. Thank you!

By Awen Al-Meshagbah, Ph.D., International Consultant on Strategic Management
May 2, 2008 marked the first anniversary of the imprisonment of former Jordanian Parliamentarian, Dr. Ahmed Oweidi Al-Abbadi.
A national figure, Dr. Al-Abbadi was arrested on flimsy charges and was tried and imprisoned for exposing the regime’s undemocratic practices. Dr. Abbadi is now in precarious health and recently shared with his family that he has frequently been mistreated by his jailers. In order to further punish and demoralize him, he was recently transferred to Al- Muwaqar prison where he is being held in incommunicado.
As justification for the arrest of Dr. Abbadi, the regime alleged that statements made by him had negatively affected
According to Dr. Al-Abbadi and many other concerned Jordanians, including the writer of this piece, the King and his authoritarian government have done a great deal of harm to Jordan by depriving the Jordanian people of the liberty, freedom and economic prosperity they deserve. The only “crime” that Dr. Al-Abbadi committed was that he articulated this sentiment in a public forum.
King Abdullah’s regime is inarguably one of the region's worst. It has wrecked
Furthermore, since Abdullah ascended to the throne,
Both Jordanian and international human rights organizations have confirmed more than one hundred reported cases of police abuse, and Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have corroborated and documented chilling accounts of torture in Jordanian prisons.
It is clear that not only has the regime gone unchecked for years, but that it has been strengthened by foreign financial and political support. Like other autocrats with declining legitimacy, Abdullah is trying to do everything he possibly can to reinforce his grip on power.
Each year, the
Dr Al-Abbadi’s political dream for
Dr. Ahmed Al-Abbadi has been unfairly and unlawfully imprisoned for more than a year now. If


Dr. Al-Abbadi Uday Saddam Hussein and King Abdullah II
Corruption becomes a significant obstacle to foreign investment when the whole network of illegal connections and backdoor payoffs gives unfair advantage to the local elite. Corruption distorts decision-making, hurts competition, market efficiency, and economic development. Studies show that corrupt procurement practices deter foreign investment while doubling the price that emerging countries pay for goods and services. It is considerably more difficult to attract foreign companies to any corrupt country such as
The royal court chieftains in Amman have built up client clans based on avaricious interests and family ties, putting protégés in key positions and keeping enemies out--no matter what their work experiences and the academic qualifications. Beneficiaries have been sworn to secrecy. King Abdullah II’s pernicious circles include close companions. They cover transactions with equivocating and by backdating paperwork. There is the appearance that everything is open and proper. Everyone in the conspiracies or the illegal ventures keeps quiet so everyone will be just fine.
Countries worldwide are attacking official corruption with renewed vigor; however, Jordanian corruption, in the form of bribery, influence-peddling, money laundering, and the like, is fully encouraged and supported by King Abdullah II, and it has been on the rise in Jordan since he assumed his absolute and unaccountable power in February 1999.
This report highlights the most recent major corruption cases and human rights abuses in
Jordanian intellectuals have argued that
King Abdullah II is known in
King Abdullah II is well-known also for his stubbornness so he did not listen to his advisers. One term, clause #26 of the agreement, stated that “the laws of the
Selling Public-Owned Real-State and Corporations
Our beloved country is going to rack and ruin. Many economic experts, local and foreign, continue to stress the fragility of
On the other hand, Jordanians are firm believers in gradual economic reforms, but they also stand strongly against the current scope of regulation, the sheer size of the public sector, and an absolute political system that provides so many opportunities for massive corruption, lawlessness, and human rights abuses. Constitutional changes that would shift executive power from the King to an elected Prime Minister are also very vital and the hallmark of any genuine democratic system and free market economy.
Over that past few years, King Abdullah II started to grant himself huge pieces of government land, and sold these pieces to foreign investors in return for undisclosed mammoth commissions and kickbacks. The selling process is managed by Bassem Ibrahim Al-Bahlwan, Chief of the
Jordanians are expressing shock at the level of greed that impelled King Abdullah II and his associates to hoard blood money in the name of encouraging foreign direct investment. They disparage at the apparent collusion between the King and these governmental officials that fattened their secret bank accounts both inside and outside of
All types of purges in the public and private sectors must be undertaken immediately. The health of
Since King Abdullah II assumed his absolute and unaccountable power, extrajudicial killings rose, torture, and limits on freedom of expression continue to pose an intensive and serious plight. The recent prison incidents in which three prisoners were killed at the hands of the Hashemite Al-Darak Forces (HDF) is one example of this absurd policy. These prisoners were killed by gunshot wounds to their heads, after a tyrannical onslaught by these brutal forces. What is worse, is that after the King gave the approval to these peremptory forces to attack these prisoners, he visited the Public Security Forces (PSF) headquarter in Amman pretending to search for what happened, an act which would then be hailed worldwide and advertised by the government-owned Press. On the other hand, several other campaigns of lies are being conducted now by the same press to hide systemic oppression of the Jordanian people, particularly the opposition.
What true Jordanians say in private about King Abdullah II has become bold, their criticism of the royal family increasingly sharp. They are becoming more disdainful of the regime’s authority and more doubtful of its legitimacy. No doubt, this has been caused by his foolish local and foreign policies.
Journalists and human rights activists worldwide have confirmed that the recent moves, which include lawsuits and contempt cases against opposition leaders, are among the harshest actions taken against freedom of expression in
The civil trial of Dr. Al-Abbadi, former Member of Parliament (two terms) and Chairman of the Jordan National Movement, as described by Jordanian and International human rights activists and lawyers, is seen as a clear violation of Dr. Al-Abbadi’s basic human rights. The legal procedures, fabrications and demagogy of this trial testify to the fact that King Abdullah II and his brutal regime are adamant to kill Dr. Al-Abbadi in his prison cell. He is now in a solitary prison cell, and today Dr. Al-Abbadi started a hunger strike in protest for his ill-treatment by prison officials and security guards. On
In
Instead of granting magistrates autonomy and independence, King Abdullah II intervenes in their rulings and does not allow them to investigate with the most scrupulous observance of the law. Confusing Jordanian citizenry firmly believe that the judiciary must not only be heard, but also be seen as above all parties and any form of compromise. The honorable Jordanians solidly believe that a democratic state cannot live without the deep and genuine confidence of its citizens in the justice system.
King Abdullah II must understand that the world knowledge of his regime’s abuses of human rights is undermining credibility of and respect for him. It is absolutely mortifying and disgraceful to watch human rights abuses in
Employing a mix of corruption, bribery and outright coercion, King Abdullah II’s regime has suppressed civil society and the judiciary. With the repression of the press and the judiciary growing day after day, with the absence of any civil institution of social mobilization, with a bribed and rubber stamp Parliament, and with the added monopoly of radio and television at the behest of King Abdullah II, the morphology of the civil society, of which all the above institutions are crucial pillars, took a disturbing meaning.
The daily emergence of aggressive, independent news press in
Jordanian journalists are facing now more than ever-violent reprisals from King Abdullah II’s armed state security forces. In
In recent years, King Abdullah II has become careless to international condemnation, but this has tarnished his image and reputation abroad. Therefore, the King’s handpicked governments have resorted to all forms of coercion: Killing, physical and psychological torture, imposing draconian press laws, frequent detentions, threats of prolonged jail terms, internal banishment, and systematic impoverishment.
While special treatment, benefits and goodies, such as overseas trips and governmental postings, are given to journalists who give King Abdullah II favorable coverage, endless and on going infantile accusations and brutal actions are directed toward independent journalists and columnists. Personal cars of these journalists have been burned on the hands of King Abdullah II’s Special Forces.
Final Thoughts
It is increasingly clear that the rampant abuse of human rights and official corruption in
Abdullah II’s regime has been unpopular for recent years, but never more so than in the past months. There have been recent signs of potential unrest at the top. Certainly, the above evidence suggests such outcomes.
We urge foreign donors oversee their projects in Jordan directly and make it mandatory that the unelected government and its rubber stamp parliament work together to draft and ratify a legislation that gives the judiciary branch independent and unlimited legal power to investigate any case of corruption committed and conducted by any party or individual, including members of the royal family. For instance, scandalous revelations such as selling influence and taking graft to fund their parties and line their pockets particularly those corrupt princes, princesses, the royal family relatives and cronies who outnumber the taxi drivers in Jordan must be investigated fully and in public. This bill should also provide for extradition of corrupt officials and urges transparency in hiring and procurement as well as pass laws against the "illicit enrichment" of government officials.
The biggest impediment to development in
Jordanian citizens must also take to the streets to protest corrupt practices and human rights abuses, to elect anticorruption candidates and to impeach corrupt officials in the royal court--including the King and his family, who proved to be the most corrupt monarchy folk on earth, and other governmental comptrollers such as appointed premiers and cabinet ministers.
Cc:
Senator
Senator John McCain,
Senator James Biden, Chairman of the
Ban Ki-Moon, UN Secretary General
Members of
European Union, Delegation of the European Commission to the
The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)
Transparency International

JNM,
Police Investigation Ignores Evidence, Intimidates Witnesses
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“The police investigation is an attempt to whitewash the events leading up to the burning to death of three inmates in
Since the deaths of the three prisoners, the police have placed in solitary confinement many of those detainees in al-Muwaqqar who were eyewitnesses to the events. Security officials have prevented lawyers, family members and human rights investigators from visiting them. Witnesses report that police have intimidated them and have ignored accounts that at least two of the men burned to death had been seriously tortured just prior to the fire, shedding doubt on whether the men had in fact died accidentally. The governmental
It is not disputed that at around
The police claim that the prisoners had barricaded the doors of the burning cell with beds to prevent the guards from opening them. However, one eyewitness denies this; he described in detail how prisoners were shouting for the Darak and prison guards to open the door of the burning cell, but that they idly stood by for around 10 minutes before opening the doors. Two other eyewitnesses also said that before opening the door, the Darak fired a gas container into the cell. Guards reportedly shot one prisoner in the chest with one or more rubber bullets. When the Darak opened the doors, the eyewitnesses claim that all 28 prisoners left the cell. The NCHR pointed out that the doors of the cell open to the outside, allowing the guards to open the doors regardless of any barricade inside the cells.
Eyewitness accounts
According to two eyewitnesses, the fire was almost extinguished by the time the doors were open to allow the prisoners to exit the cell. One eyewitness said that the Darak viciously beat those who exited, “splitting open their skulls.” The NCHR recorded blood stains in the rooms, corridors, and the exercise yard.
Then, eyewitnesses said, the Darak pushed 18 people back into Cell 3. These 18 include the three whose bodies were found, as well as Majid Khatir, Abed al-Khaffash, Muhammad al-Tabbash, and Faisal al-‘Udwan, whose whereabouts are now unknown. After the cell door had been relocked with the 18 men inside, a second, much bigger fire started and it was that fire which the Civil Defense extinguished when they arrived about 15-20 minutes later, two eyewitnesses said. The NCHR report notes that a fire hose belonging to the prison was in place 4 meters from the burning cell.
One day before the incident, Human Rights Watch met with the director of the Public Security Directorate (PSD), Brig.-Gen. Mazin al-Qadi, who promised that the PSD (which includes the police and the prison service) would be fully transparent in its dealing with Human Rights Watch. Human Rights Watch also spoke with police officials on April 15, April 20, and May 5. A Human Rights Watch researcher visited the outside of the prison on April 15 and witnessed a large presence of security guards. The officials insisted that there was no wrongdoing by any security forces, including both Darak and prison guards, in connection with the April 14 fire, and that the police investigation would conclude soon.
Families left in the dark
The families of the three dead prisoners and eyewitnesses told Human Rights Watch that all three who died had complained during visits days before the fire about ill-treatment, in particular by a Captain ‘Amir Qutaish, who they claim insulted and beat them. An eyewitness alleges that on April 13 this officer suspended Firas al-‘Utti and Hazim Ziyada, two of the men later burned in the fire, for four to five hours from a wall with their hands shackled behind their back (the shabah torture position) while beating them. This was in response to the fact that some 100 prisoners had started a hunger strike that day protesting ill-treatment. Families and eyewitnesses told Human Rights Watch that Qutaish had bad relations with al-‘Utti and Ziyada dating back to a period that the men had spent in a different prison. Al-‘Utti also reportedly tried to warn a visitor to the prison that Qutaish had allegedly made threats against them just five days before the fire. One eyewitness said that Qutaish threatened al-‘Utti, Ziyada and another two prisoners with ill-treatment again only hours before the fire on April 14. Three eyewitnesses spoke of the frequent morning searches, beatings, and insults by prison guards and the shabah-style torture of prisoners who resisted the searches.
After the fire, the prison administration placed all surviving prisoners from Cell 3, Section A and the roughly 100 other prisoners who had witnessed the events either into solitary confinement or separate from the remaining prison population after they had briefly been treated for smoke inhalation, burns, or injuries from beatings. At dawn on April 15, they transferred between 15 and 60 prisoners to other prisons. Their families and lawyers have been unable to visit the isolated prisoners, “by order of the Ministry of Interior,” one family member told Human Rights Watch. Human Rights Watch knows of at least five families unable to visit their loved ones in prison since the incident. The prison also prohibited the visiting NCHR representatives from seeing these prisoners.
Eyewitnesses also said that the police put pressure on the transferred prisoners to exonerate the security forces of the deaths and warned them not to mention that complaints about torture had given rise to the protest.
On April 20, four days after issuing its critical findings on al-Muwaqqar, the executive director of the NCHR, Shaher Bak, resigned.
“King Abdullah has an obligation under human rights law to set up an independent commission with judicial powers to investigate the torture, protests and response to the fire in al-Muwaqqar prison, as the police authorities have clearly shown themselves incapable of holding their own members to account,” said Whitson.
Human Rights Watch is concerned that, even with evidence of criminal culpability on the part of the members of the Public Security Directorate, there are significant obstacles in the way of prosecution. In
The police court has a poor record of holding police to account for abuses. In March 2008, the police court sentenced two officers who beat an inmate to death in Aqaba prison to two-and-a-half years in prison, but only after private efforts by the family of the deceased, the


King Abdullah II governs with the iron fest…Ambulances picking up injured and dead inmates from Al-Muwaqar Prison on
JNM,
On the other hand, a few days ago, an announcement was made in the press that the entire
The question on the minds of many Jordanians, simply put: Who gave this king the right to sell the Port of Aqaba? The Jordanian Constitution clearly states that the power hierarchy in the country is Parliamentarian then monarchical, not the opposite! King Abdullah II behaves as if he owns Jordan...he thinks of Jordanians as his slaves and the country is his farm...he is such a greedy and sick man!
Other similar rotten business deals were also signed to sell
Many people in
This emphasizes one important dimension: The royal court lead by the thuggish dictator King Abdullah II is becoming a fundamentally corruption place. Because the royal court controls every government post, at the center of every major case of corruption lies a royal court member. Jordanian citizens firmly believe that corruption in